Categorie archief: Europees Parlement

Strategy outline on how to raise the issue of Israel’s forced internal displacement of Palestinian communities both in the oPt and in Israel

BRUSSELS, BELGIUM – MARCH 26: A Palestinian flag is seen on a flag pole outside the European Commission building before Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas meets President of the European Commission Jean-Claude Juncker in Brussels, Belgium on March 26, 2017. ( Dursun Aydemir – Anadolu Agency )

A strategic advocacy approach takes into accounts the root causes of non-compliance with IHL and IHRL. While the EU and its member states currently do provide humanitarian assistance to displaced Palestinians, it fails to consistently address the Israeli policies that create the ground cause of illegal displacement of Palestinians.

Rights based approach
When addressing Israel’s forced internal displacement of Palestinian communities, it is important to articulate and emphasize a rights based approach. In taking a stance on displacement of Palestinian communities, we want the international community to act upon the fact that Israel is the primary duty bearer for the welfare of Palestinian communities living under its control – both within Israel as in the oPt. In advocating compliance with international law we should encourage international decision-makers to act upon their duties under IHL and IHRL while applying these internationally agreed upon legal norms in their complementarity to each other.

Forced displacement in the oPt
To this end we call on the EU and the member states to comply with its duties of IHL under all four Geneva Conventions of 1949 wherein specific duties are conferred on third states to respect and to ensure respect for the Convention in all circumstances. We encourage the EU and its members states to enhance and strengthen diplomatic protest and collective measures to realize its policy statements regarding the forced internal displacement of Palestinian communities in the OPT. The international community should enact penal sanctions against acts of unlawful transfer of protected persons, search for the persons carrying out the orders to this practice and bring suspects for theirs courts since this are the legally agreed upon consequences of committing a grave breach of the Geneva Conventions – of which unlawful displacement of Palestinian communities in the oPt is a part.

We advocate for diplomatic protest and collective measures to be a response to evictions and land appropriation; military incursions; the expansion of settlements and related infrastructure; the construction of the West Bank Barrier; violence and harassment by settlers; the revocation of residency rights in East Jerusalem; discriminatory denial of building permits and house demolitions and the system of closures and restriction on the right of freedom of movement. These nine triggers which lead to the forcible transfer of Palestinians in the oPt – as formulated by the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967 – form the initial grounds for all advocacy actions towards the EU and its member states when addressing Israel’s forced internal displacement of Palestinian communities in the oPt.

Forced displacement in Israel
The international community’s common response to forced internal displacement of Palestinian communities in Israel is based on the basic rules of IHL being peremptory norms from which no state is allowed to derogate. We therefore call upon the EU and its member states to not recognise as lawful the continuous practice of forcible displacement of Palestinian communities in Israel and to not render aid or assistance in maintaining this situation.
In all advocacy steps for raising the issue of Israel’s forced internal displacement of Palestinian communities in Israel, we urge the international community to respond to the ongoing discrimination in land allocation and planning and the discrimination in housing policies as being the Israeli policies that deprive Palestinian communities in Israel to enjoy their right to freedom to choose one’s residence (ICCPR, Art. 12), their right to freedom from arbitrary interference with one’s home (ICCPR Art. 17 (1)) and their right to adequate housing (ICESCR, Art. 12).

Advocacy Instruments
We opt to use the Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement as a tool to call upon the EU and its member states to comply with their duties under international law. Referring to the Guiding Principles, the rights based approach is continuously being advocated through the frame of IHL and IHRL. This way the issue of forcible internal displacement of Palestinian communities in the oPt and Israel is raised through pointing out the duties of Israel and third states under international law.

Advocacy Aims
Advocacy following the above principles should aim at:

1) enhancing the leverage of the EU and its member states in bilateral relations with Israel

2) creating a forum on international level that includes Palestinian representatives so as to ensure recognition of the human rights violations of forcefully internally displaced Palestinians while realizing participation, dialogue and the right to self-determination

3) reaching decision-makers through policy briefs, providing a knowledge database, providing updated information, in-depth analysis, evaluations of international policy and continuous presence on the agenda of the international community

4) stregthening civil society organizations in their aim to realize a just peace by putting an end to unlawful forced internal displacement of Palestinian communities in the oPt and Israel, while specifically encouraging the taking into account of Israeli policies as the root causes of forced displacement

5) creating space, on a community level – both in Israel and in the EU and its member states – to question the Israeli occupation of the oPt as a means to counteract the ongoing normalization of the occupation

6) creating, enhancing and protecting a learning platform where civil actors find a safe place for dialogue, knowledge-sharing, cooperation and training so as to encourage interaction between civil society organizations in Israel, the oPt and the EU member states

 

Future du monde arabe à point, avec des dimplomats prudents en une sauce libérale et démocrate.

Tuesday the 30th of June a public debate took place in Brussels, on the topic of the Arab Spring / Revolution and visions on the future of Arab countries. The panel members were Mahmoud Jibril, former Libyan prime minister of the transition government, and now president of the national forces alliance; Awn Khasawneh, former Jordanian prime minister; Naguib Sawiris, Egyptian businessman and leader of the Free Egyptians Party; Ahmad Hariri, Lebanese president of the Future Movement; Fawaz Tello, prominent Syrian opposition member against the Syrian regime; Guy Vehofstadt, former Belgian prime minister and president of the alliance of liberals and democrats for Europe; and Johannes Cornelis Van Baalen, politician in the Netherlands and part of the ALDE. Koert Debeuf (political analyst on the Arab world and former representative of ALDE to the Arab world) introduced the speakers, and Isabelle Durant was the mediator.

Yassine Brahim, Tunisian minister and leader of Afek Tounes was excused from his foreseen participation in the debate, and Guy Verhofstadt arrived only in the second half due to traffic jam or obligations at the EU level (both explanations were provided).

The event took the form of Durant introducing topics and inviting panel members to share their vision, and during the debate the public posted life questions on the tweet wall (#askarableaders). Some of those question then posed by Durant. Apart from that, four times in the total of two hours of debating, the public was allowed to ask direct questions via a microphone.

http://www.spinelligroup.eu/tweets-raw

DURANT

The format thus was one of structured participation, which worked well – thanks also to the skills of the mediator (who firmly silenced a shouting man in the public with the words “you can disagree of course sir, but keep quite, shhhh”) and thanks to the friendly (somewhat mellow?) atmosphere of the debate itself.

Debeuf opened the evening with his (I refer to his lecture at Ghent University earlier this academic year) comparison of the Arab revolution with the French Revolution. Stating that the similarity lays in the fact that in both revolutions social changes happened on the ground, he concluded his intro with the famous Churchill quote about beginnings and endings.

DEBEUF

In what follows I display some of the more remarkable quotes of the panel members, in the hope to transmit those aspects of the evening that make it into the long term memory.

Talking on the nature of the Arab Revolution (“spring is a season and we know it is due to come again and again”) Khasawneh stressed the importance of not focusing on single causes for what is happening, but to “take into account that the Islamic World has been hurt and wounded and humiliated since 1918” and “that material modernization cannot deal with this wound in the human soul.” He concluded with making clear that he is not a supporter of interference from the international community in what is happening now.

Jordan's Prime Minister Awn Shawkat Al-Khasawneh attends a news conference in Tripoli in this February 7, 2012 file photo. Khasawneh resigned on April 26, 2012, barely six months after he was asked to form a government in response to protests calling for faster political reforms in the kingdom. State television said King Abdullah accepted Khasawneh's resignation. REUTERS/Anis Mili/Files

Jibril centered his thoughts mainly around the irreversible alliance between technology and capital which effects in money making more money (instead of food).

JIBRIL
Tello shortly talked about the new Syrian generation and Daesh (specific questions Durant asked him), but then took the time to speak on a point of importance to him, namely “that the whole world should ask itself a question whether it applied the right approach to what was happening in the Arab World”. He exemplified his rhetorical question with the current Syrian refugee crisis and even compared Syria to Christ on the cross, paying the price for the past and the future all at once. In his expose one almost could feel the bitterness of him residing in prison for 8 years, just for opposing the regime.

TELLO
Hariri posited that any solution will only come through dialogue and that Lebanon can learn from European history (referring to re-organization after World War II).

HARIRI

Then a man took the word, doubtfully introduced as “Van Baalen” or a name that resembled this (his name was neither in the announcement mail). From what he said one could make up that he was representing the EU or the UN, but it was not clear which one. He made general remarks on the fact that “we” are neighbors and that what happens in the Arab region also influences “us” (this made me think he was from the EU).

His next topic was that some countries are doing well to reasonably well, like Egypt, Jordan and Morocco, and that “we” should work with these states. About countries in deeper trouble, like Syria and Libya, the man said that “we” and Putin (somewhat shouting the name) did not do enough. Partly out of annoyance of not knowing who exactly was speaking, his vision made a slightly populist and hollow impression on me – as if he was speaking in slogans or newspaper titles in order to stay very general and at the same time to be liked by the public. And with what he continued to say he did not change this perception at all.

About refugees he said that “we” can provide money, infrastructure and doctors in the region, that “we” cannot provide the solution but that “we” can work closely together. And then his concluding remark closed the door of intellectual sympathy completely, when he out of the blue stated that “we should work with the moderate muslims”. Till this moment every panel member, when involving aspects of religion into ones speech, dealth with in an adult manner – framing in time and context or giving way to personal beliefs because of adhering to a certain religion.

Was I happy that I found out afterwards, that the “us” and “we” he was referring to, did not represent me. Van Baalen being a politician from the Netherlands and part of the Alliance for Liberals and Democrats in the EU, only geographically represents me (as being part of the EU), but his liberalist conviction excludes me from his fans both intellectually and ideologically. In hindsight then also his statements (the contradiction between “we” and “them”, the unwillingness to work on the refugee crisis by working out a viable strategy in the EU itself, the paternalistic style of shortly and general mentioning the flaws in EU practice and then spending a lot more time explaining how “we” can help the poor countries in crisis, and the innate fear of any kind of religion) made sense – knowing where he comes from.

VANBAALEN

Sawiris started with saying that the Arab Spring changed the dogma that you cannot get rid of a leader. Now every leader knows what could happen to him if the people are not happy with his way of governing. Then he went on – possibly instigated by the talk of Van Baalen earlier – stating that the West made the mess in Libya and Iraq so that they have to clean it up now. “You cannot say that since interfering the first time was a mistake, you now do not interfere at all when it comes to cleaning it up.”

The first question from the public was about the role of women. Jibril, Tello and Khasawneh quickly admitted that women play a very important role and that they suffer a lot from the chaos in the Arab World. Hariri came with a somewhat unexpected plea for civil marriage, saying that only with this institution women’s equality will be created from within the family context. Unexpected as this turn in argumentation was, it might not surprise us that it comes from a representative of Lebanon, where a tradition exists of each religious authority administering civil services to its own religious group.

Another public question was “pourquoi parler du futur du monde arabe sans parler d’histoire? Pourquoi pas parler d’Israel, qui a causé des problèmes majeures?” The public reacted by applauding this.

Then a Lebanese citizen took the word and asked about the elections in Lebanon that were supposed to take place two years ago, adding that in his opinion the whole Arab world puts everything on hold for security concern: democracy, the rule of law, an independent judiciary, human rights and so on.

As the debate went on, every panel member included a statement that Israel was a problem and that it should be addressed. Only Jibril talked about it in little more detail, explaining that a new strategic balance of power has been formed in the region. The United States shifted their attention from Israel into Asia since their two objectives are met (security if Israel and access to oil), and the power in the region now shifted to Israel.
The rest of the members just generally made a statement on the Israel issue as if to make a statement of loyalty.

When asked about the rule of law, it was Khasawneh who put things into some perspective when saying that “it is entirely possible to have rule of law without civil society” and that “rule of law is not the objective, it is a means to obtain the objective.” After that he reiterated his saddening remark that the Middle East since 1919 had knew the loss and death of tradition.

The questions from within the public that followed, were of the kind that might have brought some sparkle into the calm and steady debate (and it was in fact when reacting to these that a man in the public felt the need to shout out loudly his disagreement). There was a question about the roles of the EU and Saoudi Arabia feeding extremism; one direct question being “Why are Turkey, Saoudi Arabia and Qatar helping Daesh?“; and another one about new frames and tools for the future, regional cooperation, radicalization and the fight against terrorism.

Tello took off with stating that it is not true that Turkey, Saoudi Arabia and Qatar are supporting Daesh, and that this is just plain stereotyping. He went on saying that Daesh is part of the failure of the international community in Iraq and Syria, as well as a reaction on the history of discrimination between Sunni and Shia Muslims. He continued stating that the Iranian project in the area must be treated as roots of the problem.
This gave birth to some shouting in the public, one man needed to be hushed down by Durant.

Directly engaging with what Tello said (finally some dynamic in this whole evening), Sawiris did not agree. He stated that Saoudi Arabia did in fact finance all extremist groups and that one of them became Daesh. He went on sharply with saying that that Turkey – by watching people being slaughtered – does interfere, and that Yezidis and Kurds being murdered, is playing into the cards of this state.
Jibril led the debate back to the topic of the Arabs Spring by not engaging in the Daesh theme and instead posing that the Arab Spring was not the result of some conspiracy theory, but that it was an Arab made event. He says the resolutions of the people who actually started the Revolution are being stolen in front of their eyes, and he hopes the people will claim the revolution back.

Verhofstadt then built upon what Jibril was referring to, and said that we have to remember that Bouazizi’s body was covered in the red flag of Tunisia, and not in the green flag of Islam. He spurred the public not to forget what the Arab Spring is about: young, independent, angry people fighting to free their country. For the EU he mentioned three agenda points:
1) to be involved in Arab policy
2) to develop a genuine neighborhood policy and a plan with tools and funds
3) to take stock of what we did not do in the past
He added some playful self-critique saying that “we in the West are incredible: when people ask us not to interfere – like in Iran – we interfere; when people ask us to interfere – like in Syria and Libya – we do not interfere.” And he concluded his speech with the advice to support democrats and liberals.

VERHOFSTADT

On the concluding question about visions on building new leadership in the countries, Hariri stressed that election is the main way to new leadership. He also added that a war on modern Islam is going on and that Daesh people are not part of the religion. Jibril centered his answer around his opinion that Libya and North Africa will be very crucial in realizing peace in the Near East and that investing in Libya is just an investment in your own national security: “You intervene now, or everybody is gonna pay a heavy price.” Sawiris added that the youth needs to be empowered. Khasawneh said that Jordan has been spared of the worst effects of the Arab Spring and also that he thinks changes are taking place more on paper than in reality. In order to prevent the outbreak of a new Arab Spring he says the youth must be acknowledged in the important role it has to play, and that the means therefore is changing the election law.
Tello concluded the evening by saying that Syria used to have an unstable democracy, what was replaced by a stable dictatorship thanks to the help of the West and the United States. He is of the opinion that the EU should be a real partner, should fight with the Syrian army against Daesh and then also afterward can sit at the table to discuss the installment of a new leadership.

All in all the debate fulfilled my expectations in that it was rather diplomatic, without much though position taking going on, or dynamic reactions between the speakers – after all the speakers are / were holders of governmental posts. On the other hand some of the remarks made will surely serve as an inspiration to further engage in critically analyzing news that reaches us about Daesh, the role of Turkey, the role of the EU, the roots of the Arab Spring and the different viable visions on the future for Libya, Jordan, Egypt, Lebanon and Syria.

On a more practical note this event was a confirmation on how reality is shaped by our knowledge: both Van Baalen and Verhofstadt represent the same political ideology. It is only the fact that one of them was unknown to me, and I was not sure whether his discours did fit in any of my prepared grids of expected political opinions, that his lecture did undergo another perception than that of his colleague Verhofstadt.

Rechtse fractie in het Europese Parlement

Het Franse Front National, Vlaams Belang en de partij van Geert Wilders (en nog 2 andere partijen van rechtse strekking) zijn verenigd in een “vriendenclub tegen Europa”. Of dat is toch wat ik afleid uit het interview met Gerolf Annemans in Terzake van 28 mei 2014.

http://www.deredactie.be/cm/vrtnieuws/videozone/programmas/terzake/EP_140528_Terzake

Op de vraag of er een rechtse fractie in het Europees Parlement komt, antwoordde Annemans dat hij naar verschillende Europese steden is gereisd om vriendschappelijke banden te smeden tussen politieke partijen die op dezelfde golflengte zitten als het Vlaams Belang. Voorlopig zijn ze dus met vijf. UKIP van Nigel Farage wil niet meedoen, want zij beschouwen zich in de eerste plaats als een Eurosceptische partij, niet als extreemrechts. Uit Annemans’ reactie blijkt dat hij erg verongelijkt is over deze stempel die zijn partij, en die van zijn vrienden, meekrijgt.

“Toen Cameron over Farage zei dat die een extreem rechts element was, zijn wij van Vlaams Belang daar tegenin gegaan door te zeggen dat Farage geen extremist is. Hij zou beter nu ook over ons zeggen dat wij geen extremisten zijn.”

Naast het bedenkelijke niveau van deze redenering (zou dit een strategie zijn om kijkers te vertederen?), staat het vast dat bij Farage deze voor-wat-hoort-wat gevoeligheid duidelijk minder (of niet) speelt. In ieder geval, naast de Engelse partij die niet wil meedoen, mogen de rechtse partijen van Hongarije en Bulgarije niet meedoen (gepest in de vriendenkring / teveel of te weinig rechts / niet de juiste hoeveelheid scepticisme, of net van de verkeerde soort? wie zal het zeggen). Het verbaast me trouwens enigszins dat Annemans niet is opgezet met het etiket “rechts”. Bestaat er een nog meer voor de hand liggendere categorie waarbinnen Vlaams Belang kan worden geplaatst? (En okay – ik ben tegen het hokjesdenken. Behalve wanneer het om politieke partijen gaat. Enig overzicht kan de democratie enkel maar goed doen.)

Annemans weerde met klem alle vragen en insinuaties af, zei dat hij niet in detail zou ingaan op de straffe uitspraken van al de leden van de vriendenclub, dat hij het niet altijd eens is met de uitspraken van zijn vrienden maar dat het belangrijk is dat ze “de goede zaak” een warm hart toedragen. Altijd leuk om vrienden te hebben met een warm hart. Annemans lijkt zijn rechtse kostuum achter te laten in de Belgische politiek (waar hij uitstapt, want hij meent dat het aan de jongere generatie is om Vlaams Belang een facelift te geven) en dat in te wisselen voor de werkplunje van een euroscepticus. Hij wil niet geassocieerd worden met rechts. In Europa is zijn blazoen zuiver sceptisch, zonder enige rechtse achtergrond (ook al voeren sommigen in de vriendengroep slogans zoals “een ebola-uitbarsting zou een oplossing zijn voor de immigratie uit Afrika”, en diens meer). Farage trapt er alvast niet in.

Ze hebben dus nog twee leden nodig, de vriendenclub der sceptici, vooraleer ze een fractie kunnen vormen. En wat dan? Le Pen (de dochter) windt er alvast geen doekjes om. In een persconferentie antwoordt ze op deze vraag met trots:
“Wij zullen er alles aan doen om de vooruitgang van de Unie tegen te houden. Die vooruitgang houdt een afbraak van de nationale soevereiniteit in, en wij zijn tegen een geïntegreerde Unie en voor alles wat de natiestaat in haar glorie herstelt.”

Een pluim voor duidelijkheid verdient ze wel.

Buiten de vraag of de terugkeer naar het 19e eeuwse concept van de natiestaat wel wenselijk / mogelijk is, moeten we ons afvragen of deze vriendenclub / toekomstige fractie enige sérieux moet worden toegedicht. We zijn gewoon van in ons Belgisch systeem dat rechts, met haar harde slogans en maffe redeneringen hoogstens amusementwaarde heeft. Enig gewicht op beleid heb ik persoonlijk (ik ben van het jaar 1991) nooit bewust meegemaakt. Maar hoe zit dat op Europees niveau? In België mag Vlaams Belang dan wel stilletjes ten onder gaan aan de ene interne crisis na de andere, maar in andere landen (denken we aan Frankrijk en Hongarije), kent rechts een hoge vlucht. Zal deze verrechtsing overslaan op Europees niveau?

Ik denk dat veel Europeanen samen met mij hopen van niet. Annemans en andere vertegenwoordigers van de rechtse politieke strekking (ik doe niet mee aan de oproep om “rechts” voortaan aan te duiden als “sceptisch” – laten we een aap een aap noemen) uiten hun frustraties in op politiek lijkende stellingen. Ze zoeken vrienden tot ze de fractiedrempel halen, en hopen zich te kunnen verenigen om “de goede zaak” een “warm hart toe te dragen.” Ik hoop dat de Europese bevolking zich niet in slaap laat sussen door het gezegde “blaffende honden bijten niet” (allicht bestaat in elke Europese taal een versie van die spreekwoord). Mocht het ervan komen dat de vriendenclub verwordt tot een fractie, dan zullen ze zich op Europees niveau trachten te organiseren. De “sceptische” groep zal dan gecoördineerd stemmen – zodat ze enig gewicht op het beleid kunnen hebben. En met 25 zetels voor Front National plus een goede organisatie en samenwerking tussen eensgezinde partijen, zou een rechtse fractie wel enig effect kunnen hebben. Al die gefrustreerde, verzuurde, angstige mensen kunnen dan eindelijk met hun stemgedrag op de volgende Europese verkiezingen hun (a)politieke mening ventileren. En zij zullen in de greep zijn van de koorts van de mogelijkheid die in het verschiet ligt, terwijl de doorsnee Europeaan misschien niet zo wakker ligt van Europese verkiezingen.

Daarom dat ik deze commentaar afsluit met een Eurosceptische noot. Hoe zit het met de democratische legitimiteit wanneer er geen stemplicht is? Ik ben me er van bewust dat dit niet specifiek betrekking heeft op de EU, en ik ben ook ten aanzien van andere nationale staten van mening dat stemplicht meer dan stemrecht alleen het democratische deficit kan verhelpen – maar om on topic te blijven: waarom geen stemplicht voor het niveau van de EU? Qua organisatie zou dit geen overbodige last betekenen: plan ze op een moment dat nationale verkiezingen vallen (zoals nu zondag is gebeurd in België), en er moet gewoon een bolletje toegevoegd worden dat we kunnen kleuren in het stemhokje. De verkiezingsuitslag op Europees niveau heeft immers gevolgen voor veel landen. Daarom zeg ik: “Europeanen aller landen, verenigt u.” Ik geloof dat er meer mensen in Europa tegen rechts zijn dan voor. Alleen zijn zij waarschijnlijk minder fervente stembusgangers dan rechtsgezinden.
Een andere bedenking die ik me maak bij het succes dat extreem rechts blijkt te hebben in Europa, heeft te maken met het onderscheid dat Farage aanhaalde. Er is immers een verschil tussen scepticisme en extreem rechts. Maar misschien dat in veel Europese landen (ik denk dat het alvast geldt voor België en Frankrijk), zijn de enige Eurosceptische partijen, die van de rechtse strekking. Het zou zomaar eens kunnen dat mensen in hoofdzaak anti-EU willen stemmen maar deze affiniteit enkel terugvinden in rechtse partijen. Daarom denk ik dat het een goede zaak zou zijn, mochten er politieke partijen bijkomen die sceptisch zijn tegenover de koers die de Unie nu vaart, zonder daarom het rechtse gedachtegoed aan te hangen. Leven in een wereld waar een groot deel van de mensen twijfelen aan de vorm die de Unie aanneemt, is aangenamer dan leven in een wereld waar een groot deel van de mensen stemt op extreem rechts.